Sometimes We Do
The Same Things Differently
A series of readings on the cultural implications
of health and medicine
One of the articles in Good Medicine (IC#39) Fall 1994, Page 14
Copyright (c)1994, 1997 by Context Institute
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FRANCE
The French align a strong inner constitution - terrain - with
good health. French medical thinking reflects the influence of philosopher
Descartes and emphasizes logic and theory, while discounting practical data.
Other attributes include:
- Deep concern with the aesthetics of the human body
- Commitment to the preservation of sexual organs and fertility
- Strong belief in the importance of the vitality of the inner terrain
in resisting illness
- Lack of concern about dirt, to which exposure is seen as a sort
of immunization
GREAT BRITAIN
The British focus on details rather than abstractions. Health practitioners
are taught to use conservative, critical questioning, which is at least
in part responsible for their economic use of all medical services, tests
and procedures. British doctors do less of nearly everything. They are also
known for their:
- Advances in geriatric medicine
- Emphasis on relieving and comforting over curing
- Focus on quality of life over length of life
- Acceptance of death; it is not considered a failure of the practitioner's
skill
AMERICA
The Americans are known for their "frontier spirit" - an aggressive
can-conquer-all attitude that doctors apply in a fix-it approach expecting
immediate results. US doctors perform more diagnostic tests, surgeries,
and often prescribe drugs at higher doses than doctors in France, Germany,
or Britain. Other health values include:
- Passion for diagnosis; increased demand for tests
- Strong belief in germs as the main cause of disease resulting in
a penchant for cleanliness
- View of the body as a machine: check-ups thought as important as
tune-ups
GERMANY
Germans combine efficiency and romanticism, the two poles of which come
through in their use of high-tech medicine in combination with low-tech
natural therapies as found in homeopathy. Their quest for balance comes
through in these medical beliefs:
- Nature's healing power: mud baths, herbal walks in the forest
- Heart is viewed as more than just a pump, and is related to love
and emotions
- Less attention paid to germs, more paid to patient's resistance
-Lynn Payer
Balinese Bright Faces
by Unni Wikan
Health, in the Balinese conception, depends on an intricate relationship
between body and spirit/life force (bayu), two mutually sustaining
parts of an integral whole. Most decisive is the condition of the life force.
As the vital energy that keeps all else moving, it offers the best protection
against illness of every kind.
The bayu also offers inestimable protection against illness from
natural causes. Said a Balinese doctor: "The power in healing is the
person himself, his bayu. If the person feels sick, who can
make him well? Medicine is only a means to ease the obstruction, it cannot
heal by itself." Others may say; "In recovering from sickness,
medicine works only 5 percent; 95 percent depends on the person himself,
his bayu." Yet others stress the role of the heart as the repository
of emotions, and see health as a function of proper feeling-thinking.
The bayu is like a thermometer the Balinese constantly use to
check their viability and what manner of danger they may expose themselves
to. When the bayu is weak or low (cerik), it is foolhardy
to do such things as to drive a motorbike or visit persons one truly fears.
But when the bayu feels big and strong (gede), one moves with
greater ease, trusts one's own judgment, and dares what others do not.
Feeling, in Balinese experience, is the surest indicator of health, as
of many other vital matters. And the bayu is an aspect of feeling.
So intimately connected is it with "heart" that the Balinese often
confound the two and speak of one when they actually mean the other. The
distinction, though they know it full well, does not seem important to them,
for the bayu is felt to be a reflection of the heart. Managing one's
heart is almost the same as strengthening the bayu. The real meaning
of the bayu is like energy or power, but the Balinese feel the bayu
through the heart.
Feeling and thinking are linked and mutually affect one another. In their
native language the Balinese do not distinguish between the two: both are
summed up in the concept keneh. Emotional expression shapes and modulates
feeling. Hence, by deliberately making oneself appear, or being made to
appear, cheerful (girang) or happy (gembira), feelings conducive
to health are nurtured. Unless this premise is taken into consideration,
we cannot understand what the Balinese mean when they say, as they often
do - for example, when they return from a wake - "We laughed to make
their hearts happy from sadness (menghibur hati)."
Emotional expression is a collective concern. Conceived as spreading
easily from one person to others, the expressed emotions of one may damage
the feelings, hence the well-being, of another. The Balinese are thereby
under a moral social obligation to manage their hearts, to present the world
with a clear, bright face (mue cedang). Cedang has connotations of
luster, radiance, smoothness. Yeh mue, the water of the face, is
also used to convey an image of how the face should be: smooth and clear
as water, transparent throughout, and reflective of light.
Reproduced by permission of the American Anthropological Association
from American Ethnologist 16:2, May 1989. Not for sale or further
reproduction.
Becoming Whole Again
An interview with Siberian healers, by Sarah van
Gelder
Alexandra Tchirkova, Akulina Danilova, Helen Kapulova, and Michael Ilein
are indigenous people from Siberia trained in Western and traditional healing.
Most of the year they live in the city of Yakutsk, where they work at the
Center of Traditional Medicine, but they often return to their villages
in the summer to raise food for their families.
The four were in the US this June to attend a Spiritual Unity of Tribes
gathering hosted by the Lummi Tribe of Northwest Washington. This is one
of a series of such gatherings that have been held in the Pacific Northwest,
Alaska, and Siberia this year. According to Roberta Charles, a Tlingit Indian
who was among those hosting the Siberian visitors, these gatherings are
an outgrowth of Black Elk's prophecy that the indigenous peoples would lead
the way to spiritual unity between all peoples. These gatherings, now called
"Spiritual Unity of the World," have been held among North American
Indians since 1948 and continue throughout the world. Two gatherings are
scheduled in Siberia next year, as well as one in Australia, and two more
in the US.
During their visit, the Siberian healers practiced their art without
charge during gatherings and at an occasional impromptu meeting. Once they
aided a stranger they encountered at a roadside restaurant. At the end of
a 20-minute session in the restaurant, the man - who had injured his shoulder
in an accident, and had had five surgeries to repair the damage - announced
that he planned to follow the healers back to Siberia for continued
treatment.
Our encounter in June 1994, began at a salmon bake at the Winslow
Cohousing Common House, and ended with songs, circle dances that included
all of us, and hugs. In between we had a chance to talk to them about their
healing traditions. All four contributed to the discussion.
Siberians: The Russians first came about 360 years ago. Christianity
arrived along with them and so did all the infectious diseases. The big
migration came when they were sending prisoners to Siberia who would end
up in these little villages. The industrial development of the 1960s just
intensified the influx and the illnesses that resulted.
Native people who live where the reindeer are, who live in isolated villages,
didn't get the sicknesses that the city people got - they didn't have the
contact.
Sarah: What happened to the traditional medical practices when
the Russians came?
Siberians: When the missionaries and the church workers started
to come, the repression of the shamans and natural healers began. There
are very very few shamans left. Alexandra [one of the four healers interviewed]
is the daughter of the most famous shaman in our country. He's no longer
alive. The shamans were considered charlatans and unbelievers. They had
so much insight, such a prophetic vision, that the church and also the Soviet
power were very much opposed to them.
Sarah: What methods did the shamans use to heal?
Siberians: They used herbs and natural products and also meditation.
Shamans acted as a healing channel. They took power from above and allowed
it to flow through them. A shaman's whole life was dedicated to being of
service to people.
Now others are beginning to realize that the shamans know how to heal
and they're desperately trying to get this power back.
Sarah: Where does healing come from? What does healing mean
in your culture?
Siberians: Healing comes from the soul. The most important thing
is that the doctor has to be a spiritual person. If they're spiritual, they
can give their patients more than pills.
The Soviet doctors have divided up treatment: the ear is treated by one
doctor, the eyes are treated by one doctor, the skin by another person,
the soul by another. People are tied to nature, and what we've done is chop
them up.
People are seeking to find the place where their souls belong. If they
don't find such a place, one becomes an alcoholic, another becomes so godless
that you'd be shocked in amazement. Or else people don't believe in anything,
they don't do anything, and in their isolation, they barely exist.
Sarah: How do you bring people back together once they've been
splintered in such a way?
Siberians: The reason we have been traveling is that we are looking
for ways to solve this problem. How can we make people whole again?
We're searching, and what we're seeing is the same thing: people are
chopped up everywhere. We're in dissonance. We're not harmonized inside.
We really have to learn how to live as one family on this planet. We're
all in need of healing.
And we are inter-related, we are inter-dependent. Maybe until we all
begin this process of gradually moving together we won't have that healing.
That's up to us now, isn't it? Maybe our real healing will come when we
recognize our oneness as the human family. Then we will also attain that
integrity, the unity of hearts and souls.
A Healing Dance
by Richard Katz
The !Kung people of Botswana, Namibia and Southern Angola have a healing
tradition that supports the culture's emphasis on sharing and egalitarianism,
its belief in the life of the spirit, and its strong community ties. Healing
involves health and growth on physical, psychological, social, and spiritual
levels. It affects the individual, the group, the surrounding environment,
and the cosmos. Healing is an integrating and enhancing force, far more
fundamental than simple curing or the application of medicine.
The central event in the healing tradition is the all-night dance. Sometimes
as often as four times in a month, the women sit around the fire, singing
and rhythmically clapping as night falls, signaling the start of a healing
dance.
The entire camp participates as the men, sometimes joined by women, dance
around the singers. As the dance intensifies, n/um ("energy")
is activated in those who are healers, most of whom are among the dancing
men. As n/um intensifies in the healers, they experience !kia
(a form of "enhanced consciousness") during which they heal everyone
at the dance. The dance usually ends before the sun rises the next morning.
Those at the dance confront the uncertainties of their experience and
reaffirm the spiritual dimension of their daily lives. They find it exciting,
joyful, and powerful. "Being at a dance makes our hearts happy,"
the !Kung say.
While experiencing !kia, one can heal. Those who have learned
to heal are said to possess n/um and are called "masters of
n/um" or simply "healers." N/um resides in
the pit of the stomach and at the base of the spine. As the healer dances,
becoming warm and sweating profusely, the n/um heats up, becomes
a vapor, and rises up the spine. When it reaches the base of the skull,
!kia results.
An experienced healer described the !kia experience:
You dance, dance, dance. Then n/um lifts you up in your belly and
lifts you in your back, and you start to shiver. N/um makes you tremble,
it's hot. Your eyes are open, but you don't look around; you hold your
eyes still and look straight ahead. But when you get into !kia, you're
looking around because you see everything, because you see what's troubling
everybody ... N/um enters every part of your body, right to the tip of
your feet and even your hair.
N/um is held in awe, considered powerful and mysterious. It is
this same n/um that the healer puts into people in attempting to
cure them. So, once heated up, n/um can both induce !kia and
combat illness.
The dance provides healing in the most generic sense. It can cure an
ill body or mind, as the healer pulls out sickness with a laying on of hands;
mend the community's social fabric by promoting cohesion and a manageable
release of hostility; and protect the camp from misfortune as the healer
pleads with the gods for relief from the Kalahari's harshness.
The all-night dance also provides training for aspiring healers. It gives
healers opportunities for fulfillment and growth, in which all can experience
a sense of well-being, and some experience spiritual development.
These integrated functions reinforce each other, providing a continuous
source of curing, counsel, protection, and enhancement. One could say the
dance is the !Kung's primary expression of religion, medicine, and cosmology
- their primary ritual. For the !Kung, it is an event of great importance,
a point of marked intensity and significance. The healing dance is woven
into their hunting-gathering life without undermining the execution of everyday
responsibilities. It is a public, routine cultural event to which all have
access. The dance establishes community, and it is the community - in its
activation of n/um - that heals and is healed.
This article was excerpted from Toward a Paradigm of Healing: Data
from the Hunting-Gathering !Kung, an article which first appeared in the
April 1983 Personnel & Guidance Journal.
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