A Family Across Two Cultures
A couple with roots in Japan and the United States
discusses family life in both societies
and their hopes for their children
An Interview with Shoko & Ellis Amdur, by Alan
AtKisson
One of the articles in Caring For Families (IC#21) Spring 1989, Page 34
Copyright (c)1989, 1997 by Context Institute
| To order this issue ...
In early 1976 Ellis Amdur went to Japan for what he thought would be
a 2-year period of study in the martial arts. Later that same year, while
waiting for an elevator at a Tokyo department store, he met Shoko Zama -
and the rest, as they say, is history. They married in 1979, and their sons
Kai and Akiva are now 8 and 5 respectively.
More than a dozen years later the family has relocated to Seattle,
Washington. Ellis is currently studying for a Master's in Existential
Psychology
while Shoko, an artist, continues to work in a variety of media. In addition
to practicing several other martial arts, both are highly ranked instructors
of naginata, a samurai's halberd-like weapon that was also used by
women and certain buddhist priests.
In an interview in this issue [Equity Between
Generations],demographer
Sam Preston identified "two polar types of countries" where children
are well-supported: Sweden and Japan. Whereas families in Sweden are provided
with a variety of government subsidies and programs, those in Japan receive
more private and community-based kinds of support. But as Shoko and Ellis
describe here, many things in Japan are changing.
Alan: Can you each speak about your own families?
Ellis: I was brought up in a suburban community near Pittsburgh.
My father was a lawyer, but he didn't practice that much law. Like many
people, he had a basic metaphor by which he lived his life, and his was
"the truth" as an abstract-but-real entity. He found it hard to
practice law and practice truth at the same time. So he only took a few
cases - usually for people who didn't have any money - and he spent most
of his time running a real estate information service.
He had been an FBI agent in the late '30s and early '40s, but quit that
in 1946. He was in Newark, and without knowing why, he found himself wandering
the streets alone every night, and always ending up in bad areas of town.
On one of these nights there was a group of zoot-suiters on a street corner,
and they immediately zeroed in on him. He was walking toward them, and he
thought to himself, "Well, if there's any trouble I've got my gun."
And he took one or two steps forward, realized what he'd thought, turned
on his heel, and drafted his resignation letter. That's the kind of guy
he was.
My mother was raised in a farming community in central Pennsylvania.
Her family were the only Jews within, Lord, I don't know how many miles,
and quite isolated. She became both a pianist and a singer, performed in
the Pittsburgh light opera, and studied at Juilliard for a summer. She had
a chance to make her career as a singer, but she made a conscious choice
to abandon her career and get married. After my father died she was a
cantorial
soloist in a synagogue for five years, and at age 59 she went back to school
and got a social work degree. Now she's a hospice worker.
We had a pretty energetic Jewish family. If there was something on our
mind, we said it. I also have an older sister who got a degree in business
administration, but she now does a kind of spiritual counseling - I don't
know the details but I know she works with crystals and meditation. My
father's
dead now, but my parents were both such powerful personalities that it was
hard for me to stake out who I was, so I did some thrashing around
for a lot of years.
Alan: And you, Shoko?
Shoko: I was brought up in a lower-middle-class family in Japan.
Now, everybody claims that everybody in Japan is in the middle-class
- and my parents are better off now. But not when they were young. My father
started a civil service career when he was very young, and like everybody
in Japan in a big organization, you go one step at a time on the bureaucratic
hierarchy. My father generally is a very quiet person, not talkative at
all, at least at home. Home is the place where he comes back to eat and
bathe and go to bed. And just on the weekend, as his duty, he has to take
the children out or have some communication.
My mother was brought up in a big family. She has seven brothers and
sisters, and her upbringing was up and down - sometimes their family was
rich and they had servants and good clothes and a car, and then her father
would make a wrong investment on some stocks or something and he would just
go broke. Everybody would have to work then, and my mother's the oldest,
so she had to take care of all the family. She had many ups and downs. When
she was an adolescent, she was sick and bedridden for a long while with
a spine problem. And her family really abused her then. She was not the
labor force any more in the family. So she had those stories to tell.
My father was renting a room in her family's house, and upon seeing her
abused all the time - even though she was healthier she was still just a
labor force for everybody else - he sympathized with her, and he wanted
to take care of her. So they got engaged and then married.
Alan: What do you mean by abused?
Shoko: Not physically abused, but she was viewed as this young
girl who is just sick in bed and cannot do anything else, and her mother
would make all these hysterical comments, like "You are nothing,
just laying in the bed like this." But then again, I know that these
comments came from my grandmother, who was all the time having troubles
with my grandfather - he was always going around with other women, and not
bringing home enough money, all these family problems. And she didn't like
all that much having all the kids to bring up either.
Also, all my mother's family was going through wartime and that hardship.
All the stories I heard from my mother were about the hardship, and how
wonderful it was that I and my sister were living without those troubles.
So I can say we had no big tragedy and no big success in our family - it's
just really flat.
Ellis: But I think you should add that your mother climbs
mountains.
Shoko: Yeah, my mother climbs mountains.
Ellis: She climbed up a Himalayan peak.
Shoko: And my father is a classical music freak. He used to have
this big stereo, he put a mattress on top of it and he would just lie on
it while he listened.
Alan: So how would you compare your family to other Japanese
families?
Shoko: I would say I come from pretty much a typical household.
My parents would definitely say so, because they said this to me when I
was brought up: "I don't expect you to be anybody or anything big.
I just want you to be a normal, average human being who doesn't make any
trouble with others." That's what my parents said to me, over and over.
And I think you'll find that it's very typical of the attitudes of the average
Japanese family. Of course, there are exceptions. Maybe I'm just thinking
the average thinking.
Alan: That's somewhat at odds with the impression one often
gets about Japan from the press or from a cursory visit there. One gets
the feeling that everybody's consumed with ambition for their children to
get into Tokyo University.
Ellis: That's different, though. It's not ambition for your child
to be an individual and stand out. It's for your child to find the highest
place possible to settle in, which is a very different idea. In other words,
if the kid gets to Todai - Tokyo University - he is then guaranteed
a good position in Sony, Hitachi, or a company like that. He will have his
niche, and he will not be somebody who sticks out. I guess the best way
to translate the expression from Japanese is, "If a nail sticks out,
hammer it down." And that's pretty much the way Japanese society
operates.
Now there are a lot of exceptions. The man who founded Sony was a nail
that stuck out. But for most folks, that's the attitude that you're inculcated
with, and I saw it very clearly teaching school. I'd have all these bright
little 7th graders, sassy kids like kids anywhere, and by 9th grade nobody
stuck out. I was hard-pressed to remember the names of 9th graders that
I'd taught for 2 years sometimes, because they were desperately trying not
to stand out in any way. We had a couple of kids who refused to knuckle
under, and they really went through hell - not from the students, but from
teachers.
Alan: It's a truism to say that America's quite the opposite.
While in some ways our society also has a tendency to hammer the nails down,
we do encourage more individual achievement. How then are you translating
these two very different philosophies about child-rearing and family life,
and the way that family life fits into the cultural life, into the raising
of your own kids? What hybrid philosophy do you have for your own
family?
Ellis: The way I think about it is that even within Japan, there
is an aristocratic or warrior tradition - a tradition that some people raise
their children to do well, to lead, to stand out. So from what I've absorbed
in Japan, I've found a way to rationalize wanting my children to be as much
as they can be. I don't want them to be isolated individuals, I want them
to have a very strong social consciousness, and I don't want them to be
afraid to be themselves. I don't know whether that's Japanese or American,
but that's my feeling.
Shoko: These cultures, American individualist culture and Japanese
group-oriented culture, are so different. For example, we took Kai, our
older child, to soccer practice. From what we saw, the typical parent's
attitude is to yell "Go beat them!" Not to the team, but
to the individual kid. In Japan, to cheer the individual players is the
task of the coach, not the parents. To overly express your expectations
towards your own kid is too much, too extravagant.
Ellis: It's considered shameful.
Shoko: It's not a very adult-like performance. You just don't
stand out that way, basically, though there are other situations where
standing
out is encouraged.
Ellis: Everybody knows that you're proud of your child, so to
cheer your child, to say in front of other people "You did a wonderful
job," is sloppy.
Alan: Ellis, you're speaking from a Japanese perspective
here.
Ellis: Yes, which in many ways I hold. Certainly in the privacy
of my own home I tell my children what they do well. But in front of other
people, it's like the parent is deriving glory from the child. And it does
look real funny.
Also, in Japan - this is with young kids - you see teamwork. They're
taught to pass, they're taught other skills. At this practice here, in
America,
we saw a couple of kids who were very talented in soccer, and they'd be
running with the ball and no way they were going to pass. Other kids were
left out. That kind of skills teaching was not done. So there was a lot
of backbiting among the children - "Aw, it's your fault we
lost"
- in a way that I didn't expect to see, because we've been away from America
for so long. I had to think back to my Little League days.
But the flip side of that in Japan is that when the kids get older, these
sports teams become very militaristic and not much fun at all.
Alan: To jump back to America for a minute, I remember that
my own father refused to let me join Little League because he thought it
taught bad values.
Ellis: I begged and begged to go to Little League, but I can't
remember that I had any fun. Yet there's no way I would have been individual
enough to say, "I don't want to play Little League with you guys anymore,
I think it's stupid." I hated it - but I still had to do it. It's real
easy to say "America, individual - Japan, communal." But that's
a mistake. We in America have a communal illusion of being individuals,
and we are not individuals.
Alan: What's the illusion in Japan then?
Ellis: There is often a communal illusion of being unified as
one community, and therefore the person's individual feelings get sacrificed.
They only come out when you get real drunk, or in some situation when you're
away from home. For example, Japanese male tourists are famous in Southeast
Asia for being terribly offensive, particularly to women, because
nobody's looking.
Shoko: As long as you're living in your own community in Japan,
you always have the eyes on you. It's one of the reasons there's such a
low crime rate, because the houses are always being watched by your neighbor,
sort of silently. The next-door neighbor will come out and say,
"Yesterday
some strange guy was walking past and looking into your gate, so maybe you
should be watchful." That sort of information is always running around,
even though you're not friendly or not inviting each other over at all.
Ellis: That difference shows up in the education system as well.
One thing I miss for my kids going to school here is that in Japan, the
kids are expected to clean up the school. Different crews do it on different
days, teachers supervise, it takes about fifteen minutes to half an hour,
and it includes washing the floors and the windows. I think that creates
a very different attitude toward the place where you go to school. It makes
it yours.
Alan: Coming back to the family, in working on this issue we've
heard a great deal about the various earthquakes - demographic, economic,
social - rolling through the American family. What sort of earthquakes are
rolling through the Japanese family?
Ellis: One thing that could be said is that World War II and the
postwar era had the same effect on Japan as the Depression had for some
people here. You know, "I'm not going to have my children suffer the
way I suffered." People in their 20s and 30s in Japan now are the postwar
generation. They've not known war, they've known only an ever increasing
prosperity. There's been a real culture shift which is very quickly called
an "Americanization" of Japan. On a very superficial level, that's
true. They talk a lot in the papers, with a tremendous amount of concern,
about what they call shinjin-rui, the "new breed," which
are people who actually say, "No, I don't want to work on weekends,
I'd like to go home to my family."
That also includes the young kids who don't want to get on the fast track.
There were a lot of articles in Japan about what they call the
"tribes":
the Sun Tribe, the Rock & Roll Tribe, etc. You'll see a lot of kids
in the uniform of their tribe, dancing in certain areas of Tokyo. The
commentators
are saying, "What's our youth coming to?" But I see all the Rock
& Roll Tribe dressed in identical leathers. They're all doing the same
dance, usually in unison. It doesn't seem to be a real change in the way
people are functioning culturally.
Alan: And the analysts think that this change or lack of change
is a result of prosperity.
Ellis: Yes, you read this in the Japanese papers: "Young
people are spoiled, they don't know what we suffered."
Alan: But has the postwar prosperity actually changed the way
people interact with their children, and the role of children in the
society?
Shoko: Before the war, I think there were more close-knitted
communities,
and the family is a part of that. For example, in the old days the children
didn't need any nursery or day care, because they had playmates right next
door. A group of children just formed naturally.
The mothers had a lot more work, because along with all the cooking and
cleaning and the washing they had to take care of the elders of the family,
and usually they had some other family members living there too - parents,
sisters, or maybe the uncle who couldn't make it. They did everything, like
giving birth, at home. The grandma would take care of the small babies,
because after the delivery the mother had to recover and take care of the
household again soon. The older children had to take care of the younger
ones.
The father was the one who went outside to work, whether it be in the
shops, or on a farm. He was on top of everybody, ruling the family. And
then second would be his mother. It's like the old days here I guess.
Alan: So is there more child culture in Japan now? Are children
given more early educational training?
Ellis: You've got a couple of things here. There's a graying of
Japan - a lot of grandparents are not living at home, so you've got much
more of a nuclear family. Secondly, women are getting educated. But they're
given very few opportunities.
Prewar, the father was coming home and ruling the family, and whatever
one might think about that, it resulted in a pretty strong family structure
with both parents assuming some sort of a role within the family. What's
happened now in middle class Japan is that the father, because of the demands
of work - everybody's read about men having to stay after work and see clients
and drink - comes home real late, is very absent from the family, and at
most is available on Sundays. The mother has got a solo role as upbringer
of the children.
She's also got a lot of frustrated energies of her own, because she has
an education. She knows a lot about the world - Japan's a very cultured
place. So you have a lot of women who have nothing to do with all that they
now know, and they put that into the upbringing of their children,
particularly
their sons. For many women, it's absolutely a matter of life and death
importance
what their sons, and sometimes their daughters, achieve. So there's a
tremendous
amount of pressure on children.
Shoko: But at the same time there has been some change, because
some of these women have decided to get divorced and pursue their
careers.
Ellis: That's the next step - some women are managing to step
back and say "I have my own life." And divorce laws are, in some
ways, very liberal in Japan. Basically all you do is go to the local ward
office - that's the center of local political activity - and say "We
want to get a divorce, and our differences are irreconcilable." They
will urge you to have a counselor. But if you say, "No, we absolutely
do not want a counselor," then you just sign a paper, and that's it.
The problems occur when one person does not want to sign the paper. Until
very recently, there was just no way that they would grant you the divorce
without your showing cause. Usually there's not alimony, but if one person
is at blame, then that person, husband or wife, has to pay a one-time huge
amount of money. So that person is going to resist the divorce - which means
there's a big market for detectives who check out adultery and all that
sleazy stuff.
But just recently there was a case where a man had left his wife and
lived with another woman for 25 years. I think they even raised children.
But the man's wife refused to grant the divorce. And the case, I think,
went as high as the Supreme Court, who granted the divorce. They said that,
de facto, there was no marriage, and no possibility of reconciliation.
This may be a revolutionary case in Japan that could cause some rather
profound
changes in the future, if they're allowed to happen.
Shoko: Also, if you are a divorced mother, you get a lot of welfare
in Japan, much more than here. You can get day care almost for free as soon
as you find a job. And sometimes you are provided housing too.
Alan: Do women also have associations and social support groups,
like Parents Without Partners?
Shoko: There are such groups, and a lot of marriage and divorce
counselors, and there are women lawyers available, at least in the major
urban areas.
Alan: What has struck you as different about the attitudes
of Americans toward children?
Ellis: It was really shocking to see how openly some people express
a dislike for children in America. While it may be true that just as many
people in Japan don't like kids, it's amazing how offensive the sound of
children playing or crying can be to the people who live in apartment
complexes.
In Japan, if your child is crying - not throwing an offensive tantrum, but
just crying - people understand that. But I've heard Americans say, "Oh
my god I wish they'd shut that child up." It seems that a large
proportion
of Americans don't like children, and if you want to expand on that, it
certainly gets reflected in terms of how much money is allotted to education
and such.
Alan: What other differences stand out about the children
themselves?
Ellis: One big difference is how aware and street smart children
have to be at such a young age here, even though we're not living in a very
dangerous area.
Shoko: And children here are so expressive, from a very early
age. In Japan, the adults tend to understand the children without the verbal
communication.
Ellis: Shoko, I remember that you were struck by how articulate
very young children are in talking to adults - that they look you right
in the eye, that they speak to you as one person to another. In Japan we
have a special way of talking to children, and you don't expect a child
to understand very much in terms of concepts.
Alan: And I understand there's even a different grammar for
use with children.
Shoko: Yes, so that was really a shock to me, that small children
can be so articulate.
Alan: What about differences in community life as it relates
to the family?
Shoko: The distance is so great among the families here. Basically
you need a car in this country. When we lived in a suburb of Tokyo we did
need a car, but not in the neighborhood - we just used a bicycle or walked.
Now it's a business to go anywhere, communicating with other mothers, making
appointments just to ride back and forth.
Ellis: So that makes the parents more involved in the children's
activities. Instead of saying, "Bye Mom, I'm going to so-and-so's,"
it's "I want to go there. Take me." And so in an interesting way
our children have lost a lot of independence coming here, because they've
lost a lot of independent mobility on their own.
Alan: When your kids grow up are they going to be Japanese
or American? How do you imagine they will think of themselves?
Shoko: If they grow up and are educated in American society, they'll
think of themselves as American. And I strongly think, even though they
have some Japanese-ness inside of them, they will start to conceal that
and fit into this society, at least through adolescence. And after that
maybe they will start to find some charm in Japanese culture.
Ellis: But in addition to that - and this is true of almost all
my friends who have binational kids - they go through a period of really
being torn. They not only think in two different languages, they feel
two different sets of feelings.
If they were brought up in Japanese society, to almost the same degree
I think they would think they were Japanese. They do now, although it's
changed somewhat since we arrived here eight months ago. But in my experience,
Japanese folks would let them know that they were not "really"
Japanese, no matter how well they spoke the language.
As children they blended in. There was the first shock when they went
into public school - everybody stared and made fun, my older boy had to
do some fights and all of that. Then he blended in and was real happy. But
I think there's a point at which people stop using their gut and their
feelings
to learn another person, as children do, and start using their eyes and
their preconceptions. And at that point, I think that both our children
would start getting the message, "You aren't us."
So there are lots of things that we aren't happy about in both societies,
but in terms of their not always feeling watched and being automatically
considered different, I think America will be an easier place
psychologically.
Beyond that, I would hope that they would have the facility to move back
through Japanese society and have equal pride in that blood, and not end
up an American with some Japanese blood in them. That would be a real
shame.
Shoko: Yes, having pride in both cultures is very important I
think. My hope is that both children will be able to read the Japanese
language,
so that if they want to learn about the culture, they can do it. I think
the language is very important. Language speaks a lot of cultural difference,
and the root of the difference.
Please support
this web site ... and thanks if you already are!
All contents copyright (c)1989,
1997 by Context Institute
Please send comments to webmaster
Last Updated 29 June 2000.
URL: http://www.context.org/ICLIB/IC21/Amdur.htm
Home | Search
| Index of Issues | Table
of Contents
|